Partager

Abonnez-vous maintenant

I am sharing here the full article, based on that same presentation, that I wrote under the title “Football as Global Industry, Public Diplomacy and Soft Power”, and can be read on:

https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2026/02/277406/football-as-global-industry-public-diplomacy-and-soft-power/

Abonnez-vous maintenant

Partager

In my presentation entitled: “World Cup 2030: Diplomacy and Football as a 21st-century global industry”, I discussed the use of football, not as a sport but as a tool of diplomacy and power projection.
Football has become an industry and a global influence tool. I explained how the Moroccan State and diplomacy use football as a source of soft power.
Far beyond being a sporting activity, it is a major economic sector, diplomatic instrument, and source of soft power. Its global influence is such that governing bodies, clubs and individuals can rival governments in wealth, political weight, and influence (eg. FIFA President, Mr. Gianni Infantino is treated like a head of state). Players are bought and sold in football market, while super-stars are evaluated at hundreds of million €.
Hosting major tournaments generates significant economic activity (tourism, construction, transport, media, and services) as illustrated by the African Cup of Nations, AFCON2025 in Morocco.
FIFA World Cup and the Olympic Games are used as strategic tools for urban development and national branding. Such events have accelerated infrastructure projects and urban regeneration, enhancing the international image of modernity and hosting capacity of a country.
Interest by sponsors and investors marks a turning point. Media coverageand audiences are growing. It's an opportunity to invest in football as an industry, a competitive sector with significant profits for economies, states, and NGOs.
Investors, sponsors and media increasingly target the entire globe.
In fact, sport is not just a source of inspiration. It’s a cultural accelerator. It works on mindsets, emotions and societies. So, states cannot miss an opportunity to position themselves, showcase their respective power, and project their images to the world. This is a facet of soft power and diplomacy.
Lessons learnt from the AFCON2025 show how this event was an example of Morocco's capacity to prove that a continental event can be a strategic rehearsal for the global one, the WorldCup2030.
Morocco’s hosting and recognised excellent organisation of AFCON2025 offered a set of concrete lessons: that the Kingdom informs about its preparation for 2030 strengthens its diplomatic strategy.
Beyond operational success, AFCON2025 functioned as a laboratory of soft power, producing diplomatic, symbolic, and institutional gains, as credibility is built through delivery of a complex, secure mega-event, at high international standards.

I am pleased to share hereby the said presentation in PDF format.

Diplomacy And Football As A 21st Century Industry [enregistré Automatiquement]

81.4MB ∙ PDF file

Download

Download

Abonnez-vous maintenant

Partager

This event benefited from the active participation and presentations of Mr. Mounir Belayachi, Chargé d'Affaires a.i. of our Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco in Denmark and a dear friend; Ms. K. Merzak, Director of Banque Centrale Populaire's Representations Abroad; my friend OmarKorchi, Head of BCP Representation in Scandinavia; and Mr. Jamal E Ajan (Business I Marokko).

The audience consisted exclusively of Moroccan nationals, entrepreneurs, and other professionals living in Denmark
Under the title Overview on Moroccan Economy, Opportunities and challenges for Moroccans Living Abroad, my presentation focused on the role of Moroccans living abroad, particularly in Denmark, and their contribution through investment and projects development to the Moroccan economy, as well as current investment opportunities in Morocco. I emphasised the opportunities and incentives offered by the favorable and encouraging business environment in our Southern Provinces, especially in the Dakhla region. I also addressed some of the major obstacles that still hinder investment, in general but especially for Moroccans living abroad, such as administrative procedures and the delays in the digitalisation process.
Thank you to the organisers of this event, which allowed many of our compatriots, potential and interested investors, to learn more and strengthen the network of Moroccan talents in Denmark.

It’s my pleasure to share the said full speech text.

Speach Moroccan Economy 8 Jan 2026

79.1KB ∙ PDF file

Download

Download

Partager

Abonnez-vous maintenant

The discussion focused on the wide picture and the geopolitical aspects of the Euro-Mediterranean relations, including difficulties and even conflicts of interests in our area, besides economic, financial and cooperation.

I am pleased to share hereby this presentation in PDF format.

Presentation Euromediterranean Relations & Moroccan Diplomacy

8.35MB ∙ PDF file

Download

Download

Abonnez-vous maintenant

Partager

https://geopolitique.ma/2025/05/15/le-soft-power-une-force-necessaire-pour-la-diplomatie/

Diplomacy and Soft Power: When influence surpasses power

Traditionally presented in opposition to war, diplomacy has long been perceived as the art of peaceful negotiation, dialogue, and persuasion. However, behind this peaceful image lies a complex, vast, and constantly evolving universe, now incorporating new tools of influence, such as the soft power.

Diplomacy, Between Tradition and Modernity

Diplomacy is no longer limited to negotiation between States. While it remains the main lever of foreign policy, it has evolved to encompass multiple forms of activity that :

• Public diplomacy (direct communication with foreign populations)

• Cultural diplomacy (sharing culture to promote a country's image)

• Parliamentary diplomacy (international inter-parliamentary relations)

• Popular diplomacy (role of NGOs and civil society actors)

• Sports diplomacy (representation in sport organizations, sporting events and symbols as vectors of influence)

• E-diplomacy (use of social media by leaders and institutions to inform and influence)

These alternative forms strengthen the ability of States to shape their image and try to influence international public opinion. They generally support classical diplomacy, but seem, sometimes, to press it or to infringe on its attributions and field of action.

Soft power: a soft but strategic power

In this context, the soft power has become an essential concept nowadays. Popularized by American political scientist Joseph Nye, it refers to a country's ability to seduce and influence without coercion, through its culture, values, and foreign policy.

Unlike hard power (military or economic power), soft power is based on attractiveness, through the use of music that seduces, of a film that fascinates, some political values ​​that inspire, or a diplomacy that reassures. It is such attractiveness that shapes the global perception of a country.

History is replete with examples where soft influence has played a crucial role. One of the most notable examples remains the "ping-pong diplomacy" episode between the United States and China in 1971. A simple encounter between an American and a Chinese table tennis players paved the way for a historic diplomatic rapprochement, marking possible China's return on the international stage.

Soft Power: Tools, Scope, and Limits

It can be exercised through:

• Culture: films, music, literature, fashion, etc.

• Values: democracy, human rights, freedom, etc.

• Cultural diplomacy: educational exchanges, artistic events, etc.

• Foreign policy: development assistance, humanitarian aid, mediation, multilateral cooperation, etc.

The United States, with its cinema industry, media, universities, and "American Dream," has long dominated most of the world in this field. But other countries, such as Qatar, appear to have wisely exploited their resources too: news channels, global sporting events (such as hosting the FIFA World Cup), and strategic investments abroad.

However, soft power is not without its critics. Its effectiveness depends on consistency between words and actions. A nation promoting human rights internationally but violating them at home loses credibility in fine. It is also vulnerable to disinformation, manipulation, or competition from other powers. Countries like Russia are usually accused of interference and destabilization through digital propaganda.

From Soft Power to Smart Power

In a multipolar and changing world order, the simple opposition between hard power and soft influence has become obsolete. The so-called "smart power" strategy made its way and combines the two. Popularized by Hillary Clinton during the Obama administration, this approach focuses on a balance between military might, economic power and influence diplomacy.

It is also seen as a response to contemporary challenges, such as terrorism, climate change, pandemics, migration crises, and regional conflicts. These issues require sustainable international cooperation, which soft power alone cannot ensure, but can effectively support.

Towards a New Global Diplomacy

In the 21st century, diplomacy and soft power are expected to play an even more central role in international and bilateral relations. New technologies, social media, but also artificial intelligence and cyberattacks are redefining spheres of influence and the risks of manipulation in and by different States.

A state's ability to win hearts and minds (as the American expression goes) is becoming more valuable than ever. Its influence is no longer measured solely by its strength, but by its ability to inspire, unite, and seduce.

Modern diplomacy is no longer simply about avoiding war. It is a comprehensive strategic tool, where values, culture, communication, and persuasion intertwine to redefine the balance of power in an increasingly interconnected—and often more unstable—world.

Partager

https://geopolitique.ma/2025/04/29/le-maroc-historique-entre-ouverture-et-retranchement/

Morocco and its authentic borders

The Kingdom of Morocco is one of the oldest monarchies in the world, alongside Japan. This longevity gives it a particular historical depth, marked by centuries of expansion, withdrawal, resistance, and resilience. In this article, I explore the construction of the Moroccan state, the loss of its territories under colonization, and the complexity of current territorial claims, particularly with relation to neighboring Algeria.

A Thousand-Year-Old Monarchy with a Rich History

Since the establishment of the first dynasty by Idriss Ist, in 788 AD, Morocco has known several great dynasties (Almoravid, Almohad, Marinid, Saadian, until the actual Alawite). These dynasties have marked the collective imagination with their power and influence. Rulers such as Youssef Ibn Tachfine, El Mansour Dahbi, and Moulay Ismaïl extended Moroccan influence far beyond its current borders: to Andalusia in Europe, to the Sahel to the South, as far as the Senegal River, and sometimes to present-day Libya to the East.

Despite invasions, internal crises, and isolation, Morocco has survived periods of hardship and decline. This journey was inseparable from a central power embodied by the Sultan, supported by a political and religious structure based on the "Bayaa", a written act of allegiance by tribal chiefs towards the Sultan and the Throne. This is a Moroccan specificity that still lives on today.

The Impact of Colonization on Borders delimitation

At the end of the 19th century, Morocco was the only independent state in a region where future countries did not yet exist in their actual form, such as Mauritania, Mali. Nor was there any thing like what came to be supposedly named “western sahara” that a guerrilla group wanted to cut from Morocco and pretended to independence. Colonization radically transformed the geopolitical map of North Africa and the continent as a whole. In 1900, France and Spain signed the Treaty of Paris, establishing new borders, but with serious consequences for Morocco, which lost more than 80% of its historical territories without war.

Subsequently, French colonization annexed parts of south-eastern Morocco to Algeria, that was in fact a French department. Other areas were integrated into colonial entities such as French West Africa (AOF). These reconfigurations ignored the social and historical realities of local tribes related to Morocco.

A gradual process of territorial recovery

After its independence from France and Spain for the main part of the country, in 1956, Morocco began a long process of territorial recovery of provinces that were still and Spanish rule: Tarfaya was recovered in 1958, Sidi Ifni in 1969, and the Saharan provinces thanks to the famous Green March in 1975. This recovery was often carried out within a diplomatic, sometimes conflictual framework, but always linked to the country's history and will to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Morocco continues to this day to claim the cities of Sebta and Melilla (under Spanish control), as well as some small neighboring islands. These claims are based on historical arguments but run counter to the postcolonial legal principle of the inviolability of inherited borders.

Moroccan Western Sahara: An Emblematic Case

The Western Sahara issue is at the heart of Moroccan-Algerian tensions since Spain’s withdrawal from this territory in 1975. Contrary to general belief, Morocco began its claim about this territory at the United Nations in 1963, well before the creation of the separatist movement supported, armed and financed by Algeria and Libya.

The International Court of Justice, in its 1975 opinion, recognized the existence of ties of allegiance between Saharan tribes and Moroccan Sultans, thus rejecting the notion of a territory without a master (terra nullius). This historical foundation continues to inform Morocco's position on the diplomatic and legal fronts.

A Difficult Neighborhood with Algeria

Relations between Morocco and Algeria have been strained since the latter's independence in 1962. Morocco's support for the Algerian war for Independence was not rewarded. On the contrary, Algeria refused to reconsider the borders inherited from colonialism, particularly concerning territories that Morocco historically considers part of the Kingdom (Tindouf and Béchar regions, etc.).

The Sand War in 1963, between Moroccan and Algerian armed forces, left a lasting mark on bilateral relations. The border has been closed by the Algerian government in 2004, and diplomatic relations have been severed since 2021 by the Algerian regime. This regime perceives Moroccan demands as a threat, fueling hostile rhetoric in the media and official speeches against Morocco and its Monarchy.

The "Authentic Borders"

The Article 42 of the Moroccan Constitution refers to the "territorial integrity of the Kingdom within its authentic borders." This formulation has sparked debate, particularly internationally. For Morocco, this is not a matter of expansionism, but rather a reminder of its historical legitimacy over certain territories lost during colonization.

This notion is based on historical and religious arguments, as well as social and ethnic links, not solely on classical international law. The treaties signed by Moroccan Sultans, before and after colonization, mainly concerned peace, trade, and the recognition of authority by concerned tribes, but rarely dealt with fixed border demarcations.

Towards growing recognition?

Despite the reluctance of some countries, recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over its southern provinces, the so-called Western Sahara, is gaining ground all over the world. Spain (2023) and France (2024), the two previous colonial powers, have officially recognized this sovereignty, provoking a strong reaction in Algeria that called its ambassadors back from both countries and entered into diplomatic crises with them. The arrest of Algerian-French writer Boualem Sansal in November 2024, for having mentioned in an interview the Moroccan origin of territories in western Algeria, illustrates the extreme sensitivity of the subject to the military regime.

A question of history, law, and identity

The history of Morocco and its borders cannot be reduced to lines drawn by colonial powers in their agreements and maps. It is based on a long history, ancestral political practices, and deep social ties between the central government and peripheral territories and populations. Even today, the Kingdom claims, within a peaceful framework, the right to restore its sovereignty over territories it historically considers its own.

This is a matter of an identity, a diplomatic and legal issue that continue to shape relations between states in the North African region. Yet, Morocco fully abides by the international law and respects its commitments and signed treaties.

Partager

https://www.moroccoworldnews.com/2025/03/183172/african-integration-reality-and-wishful-thinking/

The 46th Ordinary Session of the Executive Council of the African Union took place in February 2025 in Addis Ababa. The Kingdom of Morocco was among the participating countries in these venues. For the record, Morocco resumed its membership in the pan-African organization in 2017, which it had left in 1984.

As of March 1, 2025, Morocco is chairing the rotating presidency of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) of the African Union (AU), of which it is a member for a period of three years (2022-2025). This crucial decision-making body is responsible for monitoring peace, security, and stability on the African continent. This presidency represents one of the significant moments in Moroccan diplomacy. It shows its sound commitment to the continent. This commitment goes back to the creation of the Organization of African Unity in 1963 and is even stronger within the current African Union.

Morocco's commitment for African unity & development: then & now

Historically, the Kingdom of Morocco has been a staunch defender of African unity since the early stages of the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The country shared the vision of a united Africa that was to contribute politically, economically, and socially to the progress of the continent. This was in line with the broader pan-African ideals promoted by African leaders and liberation movements of the time.

Morocco was indeed one of the founding members of the organization, created in 1963 in Addis Ababa. The OAU's creation was motivated by the willingness of African nations to work together to promote independence, unity, and the resolution of problems related to colonialism. In this spirit, Morocco's participation in the establishment of the OAU stressed its commitment to the idea of ​​continental solidarity and pan-Africanism.

This engagement and activism was simply inconceivable some years ago, prior to Morocco’s return to the African Union in 2017. It is an event that reflects the Kingdom’s desire to regain its place of choice within its African family. The aim was also to revive its influence and strengthen the bonds of friendship and cooperation with African nations while continuing to make its case on the Moroccan Sahara issue as part of its policy towards its territorial integrity.

The challenges were therefore insurmountable for the organization. It had to deal with the lack of effective tools, financial means, and bold economic policies. Above all, it lacked effective mechanisms for resolving conflicts and implementing its own decisions. And tensions between member states on political and economic issues were on full display.

Morocco's relations with the OAU became complicated due to the Sahara affair, a region of North Africa that Morocco recovered in 1975, after the withdrawal of Spain, the occupying power, in accordance with the Madrid Agreement. This situation led to a latent conflict with countries of socialist obedience and ideology and one-party systems amidst the Cold War battle. These countries opposed Morocco's interests. They provided financial, diplomatic, and especially military support to Algeria’s backed separatist movement.

Following the OAU decision to accept Polisario membership with "a phantom state” settled down in the desert of the Tindouf region, southwest of Algeria in 1984, Morocco withdrew from the Pan-African Organization. Morocco argued, and still does, that this membership violated the principle of territorial integrity and national sovereignty, not to mention the OAU's non-respect of the criteria for the admission of new states.

The African Union (AU) took shape in 2001 to replace the OAU. Morocco endorsed the same mistake and kept membership of the pseudo-Sadr. Though aware of the fact that the Sahara issue had not been resolved, Morocco made its return after an absence of 35 years. Morocco deemed that the dynamics of African politics had begun to change. Besides, the regional dispute over the Sahara is now dealt with exclusively by the UN Security Council.

Morocco's return to the African Union

Morocco did what it was supposed to do at the right time. It returned to the AU family in 2017. King of Morocco, Mohammed VI, pronounced then a memorable speech. He underlined that "the withdrawal from the OAU was necessary: ​​it allowed Morocco's action to be refocused on the continent and also highlighted how indispensable Africa is to Morocco, how indispensable Morocco is to Africa."

Over the last thirty-five years, Morocco has managed to establish solid partnerships of cooperation and solidarity with the majority of countries on the continent in various domains, including economic development, security, and trade. It has established itself as a regional and continental power by adopting bold and proactive policies for the contribution to conflict resolution, peacekeeping, co-development, and the defense of Africa’s interests on the international stage.

African Challenges

The AU has a long way ahead before it achieves its peace and security objectives and thus needs to develop stronger mechanisms for conflict resolution and peacekeeping in particular. Several countries, for example, currently ruled by military regimes, have resurged in recent years in Africa. One cannot rule out that the AU is still unable to influence the course of events in many issue areas, with the conflict between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda topping the list.

The African continent continues to face significant economic challenges, including underdevelopment, poverty, and lack of infrastructure. For the record, African leaders launched the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in 2001, an initiative aimed at accelerating economic growth and development on the continent. NEPAD sought to address the root causes of poverty, promote good governance, and ensure peace and security.

The AU was designed to be a more modern, dynamic, and effective institution for African development and governance. However, progress in this area has so far been slow. And in reality, African people are waiting to see achievements on the ground that affect their daily lives, far from the meetings of diplomats and experts.

Geopolitically, the pressures of globalization had become more evident since the late 1990s and early 2000s. Many African countries have been facing challenges such as global trade imbalances, external debt, and dependence on international aid. The establishment of the AU was seen as a means for African countries to assert greater autonomy in global affairs by strengthening the continent’s capacity to negotiate with international powers and institutions and to pursue more appropriate development policies.

The future of the African Union could then take different forms and paths, depending on endogenous and exogenous factors. These factors range from political dynamics on the continent, economic growth, regional security, and conflict resolution to internal democratic reforms, leadership and governance, and global partnerships. Obviously, it all depends on the current geopolitical context.

A Moroccan Perspective: Win-Win Approach

In all cases, the African Union continues to face multiple real and potential challenges, shaped by both internal dynamics (lack of resources, inability to impose its decisions, reforms, governance) and external forces (global partnerships, geopolitical competition). However, to achieve the distant goal of a more unified and prosperous Africa, the AU must address the challenges of political unity, economic integration, and security cooperation.

And it is in this context that the role of the Kingdom of Morocco is essential and can be decisive in several respects. Morocco launched several initiatives on the continent, bilaterally or regionally. The vision of HM King Mohammed VI highlights such a genuine and sincere commitment to African unity. Over the last twenty-five years, His Majesty made about twenty visits to the continents to launch numerous strategic partnerships and structural projects. This underlines the fact that Morocco seeks to confer a new leadership on Africa through concrete actions and real commitment to the continent and its peoples, far from post-independence and Cold War era ideologies.

Morocco holds significant importance for Africa as one of its most dynamic and strategically positioned players. It has always played a pivotal role in regional stability and conflict resolution, with a leading position in UN peacekeeping missions on the continent. Since 2000, Morocco has engaged in a bold and supportive policy of South-South partnerships, highly appreciated and shared by a majority of African countries. The African Atlantic Gas Pipeline project, integrating thirteen countries on the West and North African coasts, is the perfect example of a project led by Morocco and Nigeria. The AU could draw inspiration from it and propose similar strategic projects that would contribute to African development and the strengthening of its leadership.

Overall, Morocco is a major player in Africa’s political, security, economic, and cultural affairs, due to some of the key aspects of its policy and actions, for example in the fields of regional diplomacy and political influence, security cooperation, economic insight, investment and infrastructure development, culture and education, humanitarian aid and development assistance.

Hope for the best

Does this mean that African integration is difficult to achieve in the foreseeable future? The answer is yes. However, with the appropriate effort and goodwill shown by some African countries, including Morocco, one may wish for the best and be optimistic.

Partager

www.moroccoworldnews.com/2025/02/170784/the-new-world-order-in-an-era-of-two-growing-dichotomous-nationalisms/

It discusses the current shifts in global geopolitics, particularly the rise of extreme nationalism and populism, which challenge the post-WWII international order and the dominance of the U.S. It highlights the leadership of figures like Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump, who both promote nationalistic agendas aimed at restoring their countries' power.

Putin's Russia seeks to reclaim its global influence, exemplified through military actions and the creation of alliances like BRICS, a group of emerging economies challenging Western dominance. Similarly, Trump’s "America First" doctrine prioritizes U.S. interests, withdrawing from global agreements and reducing international aid.

These developments signal a decline in multilateralism, with Russia and China gaining influence while the U.S. turns inward. The article concludes by examining the strategic challenges and opportunities in this new, fragmented geopolitical landscape.

The text discusses the impact of Donald Trump's foreign policy, focusing on his disdain for international law and multilateralism. His territorial expansionism, including threats to regain control of the Panama Canal, annex Canada, and acquire Greenland, has alarmed global leaders, especially in Europe, Canada, and Denmark. Trump's criticism of organizations like NATO and the UN, as well as his "America First" policy, has weakened trust in the U.S. as a reliable partner, creating uncertainty and potential for retaliation from other countries.

Trump's use of tariffs as a foreign policy tool is examined, with particular emphasis on the 25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico and 10% on China. These measures have led to retaliatory tariffs, especially from China, which could potentially harm American consumers. Trump's actions are raising tensions internationally, particularly with the EU and China, as each responds with its own tariffs.

The European Union faces challenges due to Trump's skepticism towards NATO and rising nationalist movements, alongside economic relations with China. Europe's need for strategic autonomy is becoming clearer, while trade conflicts with the U.S. could deepen.

In North Africa, Russia and China are expanding their influence in the absence of American engagement, especially in countries like Libya, Egypt, and Algeria. Morocco, positioned strategically between Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, is navigating this new landscape with balanced diplomacy and maintaining strong economic and trade relations.

The text concludes with the idea that Trump’s policies, which promote nationalism, protectionism, and unilateralism, are accelerating the shift towards a multipolar world. This world will see power distributed among countries like China, Russia, and regional players. Countries must adapt strategically to succeed in this new, unstable global order.

Partager

This is my article that was published as an opinion paper on the Morocco World News website on January 30th, 2025, and intended to present this issue from a historical and geopolitical standpoint. On this blog, I am pleased to share it in different parts. The full article is found on this link:

Greenland and Geopolitical Mouth Watering

(This is map is reproduced from the BBC article on the same topic Why does Trump want Greenland and what do its people think? ) 8 January 2025

The article discusses President Donald Trump's proposal to acquire Greenland, an autonomous territory under Denmark's sovereignty. This idea has been raised multiple times, most recently after his election campaign in 2024. Trump emphasized Greenland's strategic importance for national security, including access to resources like rare earths and oil, as well as geostrategical position and its role in military operations, especially with the U.S. Thule Air Base.

His proposal was met with strong opposition from both Denmark and Greenland, with leaders emphasizing that Greenland is not for sale, and the decision about its future should lie with its people.

This proposal isn't new in fact; the U.S. has tried to buy Greenland before, including in 1946 and 1951, but Denmark rejected it each time. Greenland has long been strategically important due to its location in the Arctic and its military and resource potential.

The article traces the history of Greenland's relationship with Denmark, including its gradual shift from colonial rule to greater autonomy, particularly after World War II.

Greenland’s status has become even more significant in the context of the global race for Arctic resources and maritime routes, with both the U.S. and other nations, like Russia and China, competing for influence. Climate change is also opening up new shipping routes and resource opportunities.

On the domestic level, although Greenland is not seeking full independence from Denmark, some political factions and part of the population within the island are considering it seriously, a situation that is complicated by the U.S. interest.

The article concludes by highlighting the complexities of this geopolitical situation. Denmark’s and European relations with the U.S. are tense, and Greenland’s future, especially regarding independence, remains uncertain due to its strategic importance and the potential consequences of foreign influence on its status and future evolution.

Partager

To that end, some countries sign cultural protocols and cultural cooperation agreement, generally on a bilateral basis, concerning education and knowledge sharing, to improve academic studies and research capabilities, as well as to allow students from different countries to undertake higher education in universities and specialized institutes in other countries.

Beyond such targets, different countries aim at fostering political relations and economic development, by boosting action in different fields with potential opportunities as well as their soft power and diplomacy, while strengthening international relations through people-to-people connections.

Such exchanges used to be, and still are, a privilege of great powers and rich countries, to attract elites and youths from developing countries to study and train in their specialized institutes and universities. The aim is the same: keep these trained youths as new migrants, eventually as potential new citizens, and contribute to the brain drain that benefits to the developed countries and their economies while it extremely devastates the countries of origin. In case of a return to the homeland, these youths can hold high profile jobs in the public agencies, in government offices, in the military or in important private companies, while keeping strong links with the developed country of which they speak the language and where the acquired their skills. As such they can form a useful network of alumni to help and serve that country’s interests and strategies in their own country. 

Morocco, as a crossroad of African, Arab, and European civilizations, has a rich and long history of cultural and educational exchanges with different parts of the world, while being resolutely engaged in a modern diplomacy. Educational exchanges are part of the cultural diplomacy and one of the excellent practices valued in Moroccan foreign relations, as in many other countries, especially through bilateral cooperation in this filed.

The Kingdom has signed numerous bilateral agreements on cultural cooperation and educational exchange since its independence in 1956. It is worth noticing that, before independence but mostly after it, Moroccan students have been inclined and used to look towards Europe or some Arab countries, to attend universities. Countless ministers, high rank public officials, engineers, medical doctors, professors, intellectuals, businessmen, …etc., studied in France, USA, Egypt and even in Syria and Iraq. In that early period, they were mostly descendants of rich families who had access to the few public grants offered by the Moroccan government or by the host countries, or who could afford to financially sustain themselves. 

Actually, with the country’s openness and guaranteed free movement, Moroccan students can be found in different parts of the world, especially in France of course due to historical and cultural links (around 45 000 in 2024), but also in Spain, Belgium, UK, Germany, USA, Russia, Romania, China, Ukraine (before the war), … etc. Hence the presence of Moroccan students abroad enhances their exposure to foreign education systems and societies and facilitate knowledge transfer from these countries to Morocco. Alumni of exchange programs often bring advanced skills and perspectives back to Morocco, benefiting the economy and academia from their acquired know-how and technology expertise.

However, not every student can take the challenge as they still have a lot of obstacles to face. Like cultural barriers, limited proficiency in English among Moroccan students can sometimes hinder deeper engagement, but this is being overcome thanks to the wide use of internet, youth openness to new technologies of communication and leaning, and the rising trend in English teaching level, as a third language if not as a second one. Other obstacles consist of the constraints in obtaining student visas for different targeted countries like the Schengen area, while funding is in most cases supported by families.

At the same time, the presence of foreign students and researchers in Morocco is in fact another reality in our society. From the 1970s, the country started offering possibilities to students and military officers from some sub-Saharan African partner countries, to attend Moroccan universities and specialized civil and military institutes, for higher education and expertise.

Actually, in 2024, Morocco hosts about 25,000 foreign students enrolled in the Moroccan higher education institutions; 87% of them are from sub-Saharan countries and 80% benefit from Moroccan government grants. This increase is also due to the diversified offer of the Kingdom's higher education system and the specificities of international student mobility, facilitated by the Kingdom's active cooperation policy towards brotherly and friendly African states, within the framework of bilateral cooperation agreements. These scholarships are managed by the Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation (AMCI), which has, for more than 30 years, had the mission of developing, expanding and strengthening cultural, scientific, technical and economic relations with partner countries, especially in Africa. This agency is part of, and under the supervision of, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccans living abroad.

In 1993, the Moroccan International CooperationAgency, inaugurated in Rabat the university residence for students of various nationalities.

While the main objective of this cooperation was focused at the beginning on training, it was later intended to improve the Kingdom's image and diplomatic position on the continent, and by the way to compensate for the isolation risk it could suffer since its withdrawal from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1984. Moreover, economic interests on the African continent have since been added to these original motivations. Also, in addition to students received through official channels, the Kingdom also increasingly welcomes other waves of students from the partner countries to pursue their higher education in Moroccan private institutions, which have been booming since the early 1990s.

Thus, due the success of this policy, the country has positioned itself as one of the main international destinations for sub-Saharan students, even ranking second as a choice after France for some of them. This is also due to the ever-growing difficulties of access by African students to the Schengen countries, and due to the relatively advantageous financial considerations concerning the living standard in Morocco or its cultural environment as a Muslim country.

On another level, educational exchanges are practiced through different national programs by some partner countries, like the US Fulbright Program that offers opportunities and facilitates American and Moroccan student exchanges for graduate and post-graduate study and research, promoting cross-cultural academic learning. The European Union supports Moroccan students studying in Europe through the Erasmus+ Program, for example, with a focus on cultural integration and academic growth. Meanwhile, there exists a Moroccan and French university cooperation, through programs in areas such as business, engineering, and humanities.

Furthermore, Morocco has been allowing, since 1963, the American Peace Corps volunteers to be active, to teach English, work in health sectors and engage in youth development in different parts of the country, even in isolated mountain villages. At the same time, French, Spanish, American, Italian, Russian, Chinese, Saudi, and Egyptian cultural or language centers are more or less present across major Moroccan cities, but all of them are essentially based in the capital Rabat, to spread respective national language learning and cultures, organize cultural events, and in fine strengthen ties with the Moroccan people.

To sum up, it can be said that educational exchanges and cultural cooperation help bridging gaps between peoples in different parts of the world, by promoting mutual understanding and fostering peaceful relations. On its part, Morocco has opportunities to expand these exchanges as a way of cooperation with other countries in more regions, particularly in eastern and southern Africa, Asia and Latin America, and thus to grow its cultural diplomacy as well as to promote its image and influence, on the condition that challenges can be overcome and necessary funding guaranteed.

Nevertheless, in most cases, this kind of diplomacy can be more of a one-way street than a two-way exchange, as one nation concentrates its efforts on promoting the national language, explaining its policies and point of view, or “telling its story” to the rest of the world. Although this contributes to promote good understanding and cooperation with other countries bilaterally, yet there are instances where multilateral cooperation is practiced in some specialized international or regional organizations like the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the “Organization internationale de la Francophonie” (OIF) or the Islamic World Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (ICESCO, based in Rabat).

Cultural diplomacy can be considered as part of public diplomacy, as a tool by which a nation leads its foreign relations, through or parallel to its classical diplomacy. It can be a field of action where cultural activities are used to channel a nation’s self-image and promote aspects of its identity and culture, in an attempt to convince and influence foreign partners, through peaceful ways and means. But cultural diplomacy can also enhance national security and interests.

With a very specific identity and long history, the Kingdom of Morocco has long been aware of the importance of promoting cultural exchanges between peoples and countries. Moroccan people are used since old times to travel to the Holy Places in Saudi Arabia for Hajj, but also to visit Al Qods Mosque, while scholars used to travel to Egypt, to Subsaharan Africa and further, to learn about and teach Islam even in Asia. This contributed to make their country known to other peoples in farther lands. Later on, this became a policy that contributes to build bridges with other nations, especially when awareness arose concerning the richness of our cultural heritage, on the one hand, and of the importance of making the country’s values and identity known to the world. Nowadays, it is a public policy implemented by showcasing and exhibiting the behavior and way of life of the Moroccan people and the Monarchy.

Our kings and royal family have played an important role in the policy preserving our culture and showing to world the Moroccan rich heritage in all aspects of our way of life, from protocol to fashion, architecture, celebrations, traditions, …etc. In fashion, for instance, wearing the traditional national attire (caftan, jellaba, belgha, tarbouch/fes, …etc.), is considered a must in order to duly represent our personality and identity, hence the protocol obligation for all Moroccan diplomats to behave the same on all formal and official occasions such as the ceremony for an ambassador’s credential letters presentation to foreign Heads of State. All this in a way that combines traditions with the effort to keep up with modernity, in times of globalization, mass media and wide range communication technologies.

King Mohammed VI and royal family receiving Pope Francis in Rabat, March 2019, in fabulous handicraft decorated palace room.

The inside prayer space of the majestic and grandiose Hassan II Moske, Casablanca, a marvel of Moroccan mastery and handicraft and must-visit to all foreign tourists

The rich cultural heritage is therefore an essential aspect of Moroccan diplomacy, that avails itself of all opportunities, despite the sometimes-limited human resources, financial and material means, to showcase the country’s culture and promote its image as a projection of identity and power.

On another level, Moroccan diplomacy has been in the last decades trying to enhance its efforts to promote Moroccan culture in different parts of the world by means of participating to different sorts of events or organizing cultural festivals, be it in fields like music, cinema, food, fashion, books, sport, gastronomy, …etc.

The cinema industry success stories are a good illustration of the efforts to promote the brand “Morocco”. The country has a long tradition of hosting foreign film shoots, mainly by French and American famous producers and directors. And this love affair between Morocco and foreign filmmakers has never stopped, as Morocco has become one of the main filming locations in the world, whether for cinema or television, for heavy budget or small-scale productions. This is no small activity as there is a clear public policy behind it, aiming at the promotion of Morocco’s culture and image as well as to attract more foreign tourists and investments.

One of the attractions of the country lies, of course, in the great diversity of its landscapes and infrastructure. However, the country has more to show and offer: Snow-capped mountains or sandy deserts, palaces from a thousand and one nights or Art Deco buildings, Kasbahs or Californian villas, ultra-modern airports or fishing villages, highways or dunes in the middle of the desert, ...etc. If the famous Martin Scorcese filmed Tibet and Tiananmen Square in Morocco in his film “Kundun”, he also found biblical settings for his “Last Temptation of Christ”.

As for the other giants of the Hollywood industry, Clint Eastwood filmed Falluja there (American Sniper), and Ridley Scott filmed Somalia in “Black Hawk Down” or even ancient Rome “Gladiator”. Even the imaginary kingdom of Westeros from the series "Game of Thrones" was welcomed in Morocco. In the same way, the 5th installment of “Mission Impossible” and the 24th “James Bond” were also filmed (for a complete list of films and series, see: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_foreign_films_shot_in_Morocco ).

For all such reasons, the British daily newspaper "The Guardian" voted, in April 2015, Morocco as the second-best destination in the world for film shoots.

The Moroccan film board, “the Centre Cinematographique Marocain”, recognizes that this policy is backed by different State institutions, public actors and agencies, to contribute to its success and global impact. All these elements mean that more and more international film companies are choosing Morocco as a destination for the execution of their productions, which, without a doubt, contribute to the cinema sector development, and beyond to the national economy and country brand promotion.

Besides, the impact of the wonderful and successful participation of the Moroccan football team to the Qatar FIFA World Cup in 2022 was in fact beyond all expectations. The “Morocco brand” and image came out as the big winner, beyond the sport results and games. The national flag got a huge recognition all over the world and the players’ names came to be known everywhere. But above all, the continued presence of the name and national colors of the country, during and long after the tournament, conveyed also to the world the richness and greatness of the Moroccan values: such as family bonds, respect for other peoples and cultures, love for sport, peaceful competition and coexistence, ...etc.

Emir of Qatar and family celebrating Morocco’s flag after at World Cup 2022 game, a genuine and unique gesture.

The Moroccan national team in FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022

Since then, specialized media outlets in different parts of the world recognize that Morocco is a great nation of football and as such, it is the leader and representative of Africa and the Arab world in this sport. At home and within the Moroccan diaspora, everywhere, that performance and the different Moroccan football players’ great reputation contribute to the promotion of the positive image of the Kingdom, and thus help in attracting more attention, and more tourists and foreign investments to Morocco.

These achievements were only a reflection and a result of the efforts and national policy in many fields, not just sports. While the Moroccan national team was able to jump to the top of the international rankings to be the 13th among the most powerful and oldest nations in this sport, and pushes the practice by women and youth into the spotlight, Morocco as a country has succeeded in convincing the international community of its ability to host major sporting events, especially in the field of football, due to what it now has in terms of world-class infrastructure and proven capabilities in the field of organization and security. Thus, it will host the CAF 2025 Africa Cup of Nations, and especially the joint organization of the FIFA 2030 World Cup with Spain and Portugal.

On another level, Moroccan diplomacy is very active within the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and its organs, to showcase the Moroccan culture and to score historical monuments and immaterial aspects of our culture and social life in the UNESCO list of world heritage, as in the case of the couscous dish and the caftan as specific vectors of Moroccan identity.

Furthermore, although with relatively little success, Morocco has established some specialized cultural centers in different countries, namely France, Canada and Mauritania. This experience could be very promising if it were sustained through consequent funding and enhanced human resources, in addition to the vital need to reconsider new ways of coordination with other Moroccan institutions, particularly universities, departments in charge of culture and communication, regions and municipalities, …etc.

Actually, most of the effort of this cultural diplomacy remain supported, in practice, by our Embassies and Consulates, that are still in need for more substantial funding in this field and well-skilled, specialized Cultural Attachés, to lead this mission in the best way possible.

This tradition goes back to the medieval period, when Morocco was a hub for caravan routes for trade and a platform for cultural exchange and interaction between the peoples of Africa, Europe and the Middle East. Its strategic location in the top north-west of the African continent and at the western point of the Arab world gave it the privilege of being a natural crossroads for merchants, travelers, and diplomats. Since then, the Moroccan Sultans have skillfully managed relationships with neighboring countries, through diplomacy, to safeguard the independence and strategic interests of the country.

As such, Moroccan diplomacy has always been guided by some key principles like sovereignty and neutrality, reflecting the country's unique cultural, historical, and geographical identity.

The kingdom has always prioritized its independence and sovereignty, while carefully working to assure a balance in its relations with various regional powers and global superpowers. Traditionally, despite the wars in old times until the invasion by the French army through our eastern borders and the protectorate in 1912, Morocco has avoided conflicts and even taking sides in international crises. It has always chosen the attitude and policy of neutrality. Even during the Cold War era, for instance, it opted for non-alignment while, at the same time, enjoying good relations with both superpowers (USA & the Soviet Union) and their respective alliances.

It can be recalled here that, historically, it used to be itself considered as a regional power when the Cherifian Moroccan empire borders reached deep the Sahel and west Africa, to the South, actual Libya to the East and Andalus to the North. And apart from wars with Spain and Portugal as close neighbors, it had managed to maintain excellent relations with most of the European powers of the time.

Even in periods of weakness, wars against invaders in coastal sites by the Spanish, Portuguese or British armies, as well as during the French-Spanish protectorate 1912-1956, wars and popular resistance were the rule of behavior for the Sultans and the people, either to reconquer a port or town, or else to stop an invasion.

An example can be found in the fact that Morocco managed to safeguard its sovereignty and remain the only country in the Arab world out of reach for the Ottoman Empire, the army of which was stopped at the Moroccan borders with its colony, the actual Algeria.

The Ottoman empire in 1590

That was before the colonial era. And it is a fact, though, that the colonial greed has for centuries targeted Morocco and managed to make a footprint in our history. 

Later on, and despite the collective endeavors by the European colonial powers, who divided the territories of the Arab world and Africa among themselves, and apart from the Spanish occupation of Sebta and Mellilia some centuries before and to this day, it took the European colonial powers decades and some international conferences to unite against Morocco and to reach a deal for its occupation, mainly between the 1890s and 1912. We have only to remember the Algesiras Conference between January and April 1906, in Spain, where these powers agreed to cooperate not only to divide Morocco between France (the central part of the country) and Spain (northern and southern parts including what is actually called Western Sahara), but also to impose on the city of Tangier the status of an international zone, governed by a council where several powers were represented.

Furthermore, as France considered Algeria, at the time, as one of its overseas departments, since it took control over it from the Othman rule in 1930, it also absorbed vast Moroccan territories and linked them to Algeria, namely what is known as East Sahara, up till today.

African territories under colonial powers  in 1913: French (blue), Belgian (yellow), British (rosy), German (turquoise), Italian (green), Portuguese (purple), Spanish (pink).

However, Morocco was the only country in Africa to be under a protectorate for the shortest period, i.e. 44 years between 1912 and 1956, while keeping its political system in place, personified by the Sultan as Head of State and a proper Moroccan administration. It should be noticed that independence was not recovered at once and it took years to liberate piece by piece Moroccan territories from the Spanish control. If Spain left the northern part by 1956, other provinces had to wait. Hence, the Tarfaya region returned under Moroccan sovereignty after the Ifni war in 1958, and the town of Sidi Ifni was not recovered until 1969.

In spite of that, Spain retained possession of what was then called Spanish Sahara until the 1975.

This very exceptional situation, whereby Morocco is the only country to have to recover its colonized territories piece by piece, over decades since the formal independence in 1956, is still ongoing up to this day in 2024, as the country does not lower hands in claiming the necessary retrocession of the cities of Sebta and Mellilia, in addition to some small islands and rocks, to be reintegrated under Moroccan sovereignty.

What is characteristic of this decolonization process in Morocco is the fact that it was led peacefully, through negotiations and hard diplomatic endeavors, both bilaterally and in the United Nations. Suffice it to mention that in June 1962, for example, Morocco sent an official request to the UN Decolonization Commission asking Spain to begin peaceful negotiations to return the remaining territories. The liberation was then achieved by means of negotiated agreements, such as the one concerning the retrocession of the Sahara and that was filed with the Secretary General of the United Nations on November 18, 1975 and ratified by the General Assembly in its resolution 3458 B on December 10 of the same year.

This tradition goes back to the old times and especially the medieval period, when Morocco was a hub for caravan routes for trade and a platform for cultural exchange and interaction between the peoples of Africa, Europe and the Middle East. Being on the crossroads, just 14 km from Spain and Europe, via the Gibraltar strait, its strategic location in the top north-west of the African continent and at the western point of the Arab world gave it the privilege of being a natural platform for merchants, travelers, and diplomats. Since then, the Moroccan Sultans have skillfully managed relationships with neighboring and friendly countries, through diplomacy, to safeguard the independence and strategic interests of the country.

Being the instrument of the Kingdom of Morocco’s foreign relations and policy, Moroccan diplomacy has always represented the multifaceted culture and rich identity, as melting pot where the original African Amazigh people, with a Hebraic component, adopted the Islamic religion and Arabic language. It has centuries of presence and experience behind it, in our part of the world, as our country that has throughout history been a bridge between Africa, Middle East, Europe and the Americas (the then-a new world), not to mention the interaction the Phoenician and Roman conquerors and their presence in Morocco.

However, this particular geostrategic situation of the country has not always been a blessing for the Kingdom. It was all along its history targeted by foreign powers’ greed and conquests from different sides, whenever some of its ruling dynasties and the central State power weakened, refrained from defending its borders and could not uphold its interests abroad. It should not be forgotten that the Moroccan Cherifian Empire used to be, for long periods, one of the major powers in the world, for instance under the Almoravid dynasty (1050–1147) and the Saadi dynasty (1510–1659).

Moroocco under the Almoravid dynasty

 Trans-Sahara trade routes in the period 1000-1500, between North and Western Africa

In this regard, the diplomatic space has remained a key field of action for Morocco, as a country with strategic regional influence and great international ambitions, that presents opportunities to promote its image as an African, Arab, Muslim country, with a long history, rich heritage and diversified culture.

This heritage has made it a vital necessity for the Kingdom to entertain bilateral relations and cooperation with so many countries in the region and beyond, as witnessed in the historical relations with France, Great Britain, Austria, Denmark, Sweden, and so on. We just have to remember the exchange of letters and ambassadorial missions sent to European monarchs. For example, during the long reign of Ahmad al-Mansur from 1578 to his death in 1603, Morocco established itself as an ambitious regional power that expanded into West Africa and pursued relations with Europe, including a potential alliance with England against Spain. Also, the famous Sultan Moulay Ismail (ruled from 1672 to 1727) had important diplomatic relations with the powers of the time, namely the Kingdoms of France, Great Britain, and Spain, especially with King Louis XIV.

One of the best examples is the fact that Morocco was the first country to recognize the United States of America in 1977, and the signing in 1786 of the peace and friendship treaty with the then a newly independent country, a document that remains to this day the longest unbroken agreement in the U.S. history. Suffice it to say that almost all US presidents, Secretaries of State and congressmen, continue to show pride in their speeches about Moroccan-US relations by reiterating these historical facts on any occasion (as documented in videos all over internet, of Bill or Hillary Clinton, Barak Obama and Joe Biden). 

This distinguished presence on the diplomatic scene is also evidenced by the many trade agreements, friendship agreements and fleet protection agreements between Morocco and many countries, especially European ones, during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as Sweden, Denmark, Portugal and others.

It is well known that, for centuries, the Kingdom of Morocco has navigated the complex geopolitical environment and the meanders of international relations with a strong personality and sound diplomatic interaction, that has earned it a reputation as a bridge between East and West, North and South.  That status and presence among other nations of the time could not be reached without an engaged interaction with the outside world, through the exchange of formal letters and the dispatching of diplomatic missions, headed by ambassadors nominated and sent by the Moroccan monarchs to their peers. Hence, the Moroccan diplomacy learnt to master the art and techniques to navigate in the international relations of the time, and continues today, as it can be seen in practice while exploring some of its historical roots and principles.

The late King Hassan II (reign between 1961 & 1999), in his book "The Challenge", wrote, in 1976, the following memorable metaphor to describe our country:

"Morocco resembles a tree whose nourishing roots plunge deep into the earth of Africa and which breathes thanks to its foliage rustling in the winds of Europe.

"

It is true that, in early ages, diplomacy was mainly a matter of interaction between Heads of State, countries or governments, by sending ministers, ambassadors and emissaries, to represent the sending party, to forward a message, to negotiate an agreement or business, or to free a war prisoner for example. Actually, and like old days, all the honor of leading such missions and even, is until today still mostly bestowed upon ambassadors as they are the ones who are, all over the world, appointed by the Heads of State and receive the ‘’ l’agrément ’’ from them. The title of Ambassador, at the head of an embassy, is the highest rank of diplomatic representative sent by one country or government to another. In his/her absence, the embassy is headed by a full diplomat appointed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the sending country in the capacity of Chargé d’Affaires, either Chargé d’Affaires e.p. (en pied) if the decision by the State is to keep the country representation at the level below that of an ambassador, or by a Chargé d’Affaires a.i. (ad interim) during a temporary absence of the actual Ambassador or pending the nomination of a new ambassador. 

It remains nevertheless that diplomacy is nowadays practiced by a variety of actors, with different backgrounds, specialties and talents, and even originating from different ministries and agencies, though they lead their particular duties under the same roof of an embassy. However, not all these officials, carrying the title of diplomats on the staff list of a diplomatic mission or a consulate, belong to the core personnel of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the sending country.

Thus, some attention must be given to the distinction in titles and duties in the field of diplomacy and the consideration of the diplomat as such and his/her role it the structure of the diplomatic mission or consular post, according to different ranks and functions.

To understand and clarify these particular functions and the duties that come with it, there is no better way than to refer to the only international instrument and agreement that cover diplomacy, i.e. the ‘’Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations’’, signed in Vienna on 18 April 1961 and entered into force on 24 April 1964: 

Article 2 

The establishment of diplomatic relations between States, and of permanent diplomatic missions, takes place by mutual consent. 

Article 3 

1.The functions of a diplomatic mission consist, inter alia, in: 

(a)  Representing the sending State in the receiving State; 


(b)  Protecting in the receiving State the interests of the sending State and of its nationals, within the limits permitted by international law; 

(c) Negotiating with the Government of the receiving State;
(d) Ascertaining by all lawful means conditions and developments in the receiving State, and 

reporting thereon to the Government of the sending State; 

(e) Promoting friendly relations between the sending State and the receiving State, and developing their economic, cultural and scientific relations. 

As to the field of one of the major duties of diplomats, which is the practice of the consular duties and the protection of nationals and their interests, there is a separate international agreement called the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, signed in Vienna, on 24 April 1963 and entered into force on 19 March 1967.

The closest description I found of these listed functions and the diplomat’s duties is the one in the article in the link below by Marc Finaud, Former French diplomat (1977-2016), Senior Advisor, Geneva Centre for Security Policy ( https://www.gcsp.ch/global-insight/key-skills-five-main-diplomatic-functions-0#:~:text=Representation%2C%20protection%20of%20national%20interests,with%20foreign%20people%20or%20cultures)

In addition to official diplomacy, which we may call the traditional mechanism, there is what has become known, technically and by exageration, as new types of activities beyond the borders of the homeland to defend its interests, such as parliamentary, party, youth, cultural, and popular diplomacy or the contribution of civil society, all of which are names for the activity by forces, groups, and individuals without institutional or a permanent framework, but rather, in most cases, it is dominated by improvisation and occasional actions and even convictions, inclinations, or personal calculations and interests. 

In fact, no country spares any effort to try to influence, to impose the image it markets of itself or its sovereignty, an objective that cannot be achieved without an active, capable, and even militant diplomatic mechanism, whether at the level of institutions, i.e. the central administration (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and diplomatic and consular missions abroad, or at the level of human resources that are responsible for implementing the State's foreign policy in all fields and specializations (political, economic, cultural, consular, social, etc.). 

Thus, to deepen the definition of diplomacy, and without going into a long explanation and reference to the linguistic origin of the word or the oldest manifestations of its use and its development over the ages, as it was with the Greeks or Romans or even at the level of application through negotiations and sending out missions by the Sultans of Morocco to the leaders of different countries, whether during times of war or peace, we present here some of what some modern sources in our time provide about this definition. 

Since we are in an era of internet and rapid technological development, fashion and keeping up with the spirit of our time require of us not to ignore the latest technological trends. So I asked the question on the subject, as an experiment, to one of the artificial intelligence applications. I found that “Diplomacy is the practice of conducting international relations and negotiations between States or other entities, usually through dialogue and peaceful means. It involves the use of tact, negotiation, and compromise to resolve disputes, build alliances, and promote cooperation on issues such as trade, security, human rights, and environmental concerns. Diplomats, who represent their countries, engage in discussions to protect their countries’interests while seeking mutually beneficial outcomes with other States or organizations. Diplomacy can occur at various levels, from bilateral talks between two countries to multilateral negotiations involving international organizations such as the United Nations.”

At the academic level, even Google’s search engine relies on the English dictionary “Cambridge” and gives a definition as follows: “Diplomacy is the art, science, and method by which nations, groups, or individuals conduct their affairs in ways that protect their interests and promote their political, economic, cultural, or scientific relations, while maintaining peaceful relations. Diplomacy is the art and practice of building and maintaining relationships and negotiating with people using tact and mutual respect.” 

We also find that the French dictionary “Larousse” devotes a brief definition to diplomacy, on four levels, as being: "1- The branch of political science that is concerned with international relations, 2- The work on and method of representing a country before a foreign country and in international negotiations, 3- The job or profession of the person who works in this representation; the body that these officials (diplomats) form, 4- The foreign policy of a country, of a government (of a country), 5- The skill, discourse, flexibility and wisdom in managing a difficult meeting or matter."

The other French dictionary “Le Robert” sees it as "A branch of politics that is concerned with relations between countries, and it is the art of representing the interests of a government abroad, managing international affairs, and managing and implementing negotiations between countries."

The Encyclopedia Britannica defines diplomacy as “the established method of influencing the decisions and behavior of foreign governments and peoples through dialogue, negotiation, and other measures not involving war or violence. Modern diplomatic practices are a product of the post-renaissance European State system. Historically, diplomacy meant the conduct of formal (usually bilateral) relations between sovereign States. However, by the twentieth century, the diplomatic practices pioneered in Europe had been adopted worldwide, and diplomacy had expanded to include summit meetings and other international conferences, parliamentary diplomacy, the international activities of supranational and subnational entities, informal diplomacy by non-governmental actors, and the work of international civil servants.”

We may conclude from all this that these definitions are both general and specific at the same time, and that diplomacy, in all cases, is the sum of the means and activities that each country uses to serve its foreign policy, which makes this concept linked to the art of negotiating issues and interests between countries, which does not mean that diplomacy is synonymous with foreign policy, but rather it is an executive tool of this policy and is conditioned by the level of trust that its State places in it. 

It may often be understood that diplomacy only carried out by or takes place between senior officials, but in reality, each country has so many, perhaps thousands, of specialized civil servants or attachés from different departments designated to implement its foreign policy and manage its international relations. These diplomats are the ones who communicate with foreign governments and international organizations, and manage embassies and consulates abroad. 

On the level of the Kingdom of Morocco,  it is obvious that State has followed the path of this modern diplomacy since its independence by creating the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on April 26, 1956. So, "In accordance with Decree No. 2.11.428 issued on Shawwal 7, 1432 (September 6, 2011) defining the powers and organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccans Residing Abroad, the Ministry is responsible for directing Moroccan diplomatic work, developing international cooperation, coordinating all foreign relations and ensuring that they are in line with Morocco's foreign policy. It is also entrusted with ensuring the protection of Moroccan citizens, interests and properties abroad, facilitating the development of their work, and taking care of what is due to refugees and stateless persons residing on the national territory." (Quoted from the Ministry's website). 

In terms of human resources, the Moroccan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccans Residing Abroad, is an institution that employs official civil servants of different ranks, based at the headquarters in the capital, Rabat, or posted in embassies and general consulates in many countries around the world, to whom other officials are added from other Moroccan ministries and departments, as needed, who are appointed as temporary attachés abroad.